Author: Vedapratap Vedic
What are the lessons of election results of the five non-Hindi speaking states of the country? The first lesson is that India is a diverse democracy. Now there cannot be ‘rule of one party and one leader’. The BJP has won in Assam, but has lost in three big states – West Bengal, Tamil Nadu and Kerala. In Puducherry, she is a member of the winning coalition. Its claim to 200 seats in West Bengal has remained as an aerial fort. In Kerala, he also placed Metroman Sreedharan at stake, but he also lost one of the seats he had held earlier. In other words, the BJP government at the center will now have to co-ordinate politics with the strong opposition governments of the north and south. It will be difficult to run your Dadagiri.
Secondly, the BJP has lost in Bengal, but has won 72 seats. In the non-Hindi speaking and frontier provinces like Bengal and Assam, what does the BJP’s supremacy symbolize? The BJP has been the opposition and Hindi-regional party for a long time. Is not its rise in these new areas a symbol of the rise of national unity? This growth will not happen without the BJP expanding its character and vision.
Lagging behind congress
However, the Congress’ lagging behind in almost all states is not good from the point of view of political unity of the nation. This shows the weakness of its leadership and policy, but it is necessary to have a well-organized all-India party with a powerful army and a strong government to keep such a vast India in one thread. Did the mighty Soviet Union break to pieces when the Communist Party weakened?
The Trinamool Congress in Bengal, the DMK in Tamil Nadu and the Marxist Party’s sweeping victory in Kerala have been based on their pure popularity and service, but let us not forget that the Congress has lost badly in all three states and the BJP has also lagged behind. In other words, the flag of the provincial parties has risen rather than the All India parties. That is, Bangla, Tamil and Malayali sub-nationalism have prevailed in these states. The central government will have to treat these three states with great caution.
These elections have also proved that the trump card of communalism sometimes backfires. In Assam, where the question of citizenship had to be shifted under the carpet, in Bengal the BJP could not get the bulk of the votes of Hindus. They split up. His fear of the minorities pulled him along with Mamata and Bangla and non-Bengali debates played a major role in dividing the Hindu vote. Mamta Banerjee created the ghost of Bengali and outsider, but which gimmick did not resort to proving herself to be a Brahmin and a faithful Hindu. Didi prevailed over Modi in this game. The promotion of broken legs and wheeled vehicles caught the attention of the whole country. On the other hand, beard like Rabindranath Tagore and gimmick of Dhaka-Yatra also did not work.
This election made Mamata Banerjee not only the uncommon leader of Bengal, but also gave her the all-India campaign. Bengal was the most campaigned in the elections of these five states, because the BJP tried so hard, I do not remember that in any provincial election, any central party has ever done so. Apart from the Prime Minister, Home Minister, Defense Minister, Party President, dozens of ministers, Chief Minister, hundreds of MPs, thousands of external workers and despite the huge amount of money being shed, the BJP was not able to stop Mamata’s hair but Mamata’s seats and votes increased.
The all-India campaign that Mamata received gave her the support of almost all opposition provincial leaders. Many opposition Chief Ministers, former Chief Ministers and Union Ministers reached Bengal to win the Trinamool Congress. Will not these leaders now try to turn Mamata against Modi in the whole country? Mamta should be thankful to Modi that she made herself stand at par with Mamata in the Bengal war. The BJP did not have a chief minister face in Bengal. The same card played in Uttar Pradesh was beaten in Bengal.
It is not impossible that Mamata should now unite all the opposition leaders of the country in the next three years. This task is not easy, because even though the image of the central government is fading nowadays due to the Corona epidemic, no all-India leader has emerged yet to confront Modi. Mamata had tried to unite all opposition parties, including the Congress even before the elections.
Extreme sentiment will become a hindrance
It will be difficult for the Congress and the Marxist Party to consider Mamata as the leader for several reasons. In this way, Mamta will not be able to develop in herself the characteristics which are necessary for becoming popular among all the people of India. It is difficult to say whether his extreme sentiment, his odd Hindi and English and his style of speech will affect crores of non-Bengali voters. If almost all the major parties of the country form an anti-Modi alliance and consider Mamata as a leader, then maybe Congressmen and Communists also join it, yet it may need a well-known and uninterested leader like Jayaprakash Narayan like That was against Indira Gandhi in 1977.
In the meantime, if Modi learns from his mistake and avoids complete dependence on bureaucracy, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh does not remain neutral and crores of workers of the ruling coalition join the public service, the BJP may surpass the stalemate of the next provincial elections.
Disclaimer: The views expressed above are the author’s own